Journal of Researches in Islamic Architecture

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Considering request, need and welfare of children has a long record in West and gets back to 19^th century. The idea of child friendly city was adopted in 1996 to make cities liveable for all and its goal was to put the children on top. This is how countries distant themselves from mere concept and utilize CFC principles today. On the other hand, paying attention to child proper spaces has no long record in Iran. Most children`s spaces are external copies of other countries experiences with no regarding to social and cultural context.The research is decided to compare the way in which a child intercommunicates with city environment from two Islamic(Philosophy, Religion and Gnosticism) and Western perspectives, by deduction in qualitative research, studying Islamic and Western theories toward children and compiling effective environmental factors in child and environment interactions. Comparative study includes similarities and differences in two scales: major (child environments) and minor (environmental factors) both in Western and Islamic documents. In major scale, Islamic instructions focus on the environment as a channel to transfer concepts and religious ethics. In minor scale Islamic instructions emphasize on 4 subjects that can`t be seen in western`s: teaching rituals via playing, limiting girls playing outside, limiting girls playing with boys and preventing children from entering infidelital environments. While CFC of west is summarized in participation, equal right with other citizens, mental and physical health; a proper environment for children in Islamic documents, besides proving children`s rights, relief and health as necessities of child growth, emphasizes on values and norms in functional environment. In addition, it advises that a child ought to grow in a place which her temperament does not get hurt to come to relative perfection. Here, an Islamic-Iranian model named “child preceptor city” takes form. 
The research in theoretical part, using the analytical-descriptive method, has presented a theoretical framework. In the first stage (study of relevant texts and identification of the defining components of research), a comparative method has been used. The methods of collecting information and the subject history in this research, in addition to documentary and library studies, will also include field studies that are used to compile the subject literature review and to find the thematic framework. At this stage, by expressing the perceptual concept, the architectural porosity elements as well as the study of its theories, criteria, rules and components are explained. In the second stage, using the criteria and components obtained in the previous one, the classification of porosity elements, the selection of criteria and the facades' porosity effective variables, as well as structured questionnaires to find the relationship between these variables and their impact on each other and the amount of facades' porosity a quantitative method for obtaining it will be presented. In the third stage and in the case study section, the theoretical framework and the porosity assessment method are carried out in relation to the 30 facades of historical houses of Tabriz city and the research data are analyzed based on descriptive statistics.
Based on the findings of the research, the facades have a special feature called porosity number that is unique to it. The structure of the forming elements and the porosity changes of the facades also follow a particular pattern. The research also shows that the main trait of porosity is openness which the space is inside it. Air circulation, light and the connection of internal and external spaces are the major physical achievements of porosity and its spiritual achievement is the space and the raised meaning in architecture. Empty, in spite of the lack of material has an equal value, and sometimes more than full, and how it is created and placed not only increases the physical and spatial quality but also can have an impact in evaluations. Porosity is one of the basic visual qualities, which over time has found a more significant role in the facade. Porosity has a hidden and mysterious pattern that can be the result of aesthetic feedback from architects, observers/residents, and environmental conditions of the region. A certain evident percentage of porosity and a Specific pattern and alignment of porous space arrangement in this study indicate that, at least in Tabriz's environmental conditions, a specific pattern of porosity is a part of the aesthetic preferences of the architects and the residential-historical architectural users of Tabriz city. This pattern and alignment can at least be considered by contemporary architects in this cultural-climatic area as an aesthetic factor. Of course, the generalization of these features to other cities in Iran and beyond requires more and wider research.

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The idea of child friendly city, to reach child welfare, makes urban spaces proper for childrens` activities. Today mant countries apply child friendly city principles, but most designed urban spaces for children in Iran are other countries` preceding examples and experiences, with no regarding to cultural context. However, urban planning does not reach its goals unless all citizens` needs are included. Children need an environment to address and be challenged in it. A place has to encourage children to discover and develop their infornations. Islam not only pays attention to present needs of children, but also considers them in a path named “Perfection (Kamal)” and presents a plan to cross it. A designed place with attention to Islamic values has to be the equilibrium point of human different needs. In other words, material tools pay the way for reachimg spiritual aims. Islam divides children age range into three 7-years phases. Children need to be free and trained by playing in first 7 years. They need to learn hoe to recite Quran, also scientific lessons in second 7 years. The most effective factor on children behaviors is the environment here which highlights the role of urban spaces in child pedagogy. Third 7 years are the time for asking help from children and teach them Halal and Haram issues. Due to the importance of the relation between child and the environment in second 7 years, this research focuses on 6 to 12 years old children.
It is obvious that there is no Islamic Iranian example of urban designing project that considers children as city members and their present and future needs along with growing up in the environment. Hence, this research is decided to find the answer of this question: How can neighborhoods open spaces affect training Islamic religious contents to children, as well as meeting their present needs?
Studing religious, gnostic and philosophic resources, as theorithical basis, and by usig deductive strategy to set a theorethical model, also inductive strategy to test the model in field study, an Islamic Iranian model named “Child Preceptor City” is presented. According to this model, a proper city from Islamic perspective adopts content approach (the nature of childrens` needs) as well as procedure approach (the process of children growth) and these two approaches together turn a city to an active preceptor.
Findings show that there are five criteria forming child preceptor city structure: training contents (Responsibility, God-contentment, Endeavour, Moderation, Loving God, Believe in resurrection, Purposefulness, Surveillance, God-obedience); training methods (Theater, Story telling, Contemplation, Field Trip, Encouragement and Punishment, Observation, Having a role model, Kindness, Consulting, Preaching); environmental features that are divided in four categories: Geographical/Physical (Physical realm, Physical desirability, The least physical risks, Natural elements, Affordable setting, Light and shadow), Functional (Priority of function to the form, Interacting with other children, Family motivation to play outside the house), Perceptual (Social support, Presence of an acquainted adult, Considering path and landmark, prior to other cognitive elements, Mental realm, Challenging and complex environment, Discoverable environment), Behavioral (Various behavior settings, Regular freely playing, No restrictive environmental rules); cultural environment; and characteristics of a special age group. The relations between them are defined as: training contents are transferred to children with specific characteristics due to their age range, by training methods; with the help of environmental features, in a cultural bed. Contributed environmental indexes in transferring religious contents to childrens, were ascertained by Delphi method. To answer the research main question, six middle class neighborhoods in Tabriz city were selected in which the relation between environmental indexes and religious contents were studied by indirect observation and semi organized interviews with 72 childrens 6 to 12 years old. As findings show, environment can play role in informal pedagogy and transferring religious contents to children, besides formal pedagogy at school or home. It can be either obstructive or empowering in a way that environmental empowering indexes ought to be identified while obstructive ones need to be omitted.
“Feasibility of having a personal realm” and “social support” as empowering indexes, have the most frequencies in target neighborhoods; whereas “various behavior settings”, “affordable settings”, “social and physical risks” and “complex and challenging environment” as obstructing indexes, have the least frequencies. “Family motivation to play outside the house”, “the least physical risks” and “designed park” are environmental superior indexes in Parvaz district. “Presence of natural elements in parks” and “the least social risks” distinguish Zaferanieh district from others. “Physical desirability” and “Presence of natural elements in the neighborhood” are strength points of Yaqchian. “Off-neighborhood land uses” in Golshahr, “Physical risks” in Vilashahr, “Family dependency on car” in Yaqchian, “Family having control on children” in Zaferanieh, “Social risks” in Parvaz and “Family disagreement with playing outside the house” in Sahand district, are obstructive indexes which limit child-environment interaction and consequently, complicate receiving religious instructions.

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